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What Wolfowitz Really Said


From: Dave Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Sat, 31 May 2003 15:46:04 -0400


X-Sender: stef () vrx net
Date: Sat, 31 May 2003 12:40:12 -0700
To: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
From: Einar Stefferud <Stef () thor nma com>

It should not surprise you that this morning's Los Angeles Times
has a top headline of "Intelligence on Iraqi Weapons Called 'Wrong'"
and goes on to misstate the Vanity Fair interview with Deputy
Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz, the interview which is
clarified below.                                       ---Anon
_  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _  _
Weekly Standard - 06/09/2003, Volume 008, Issue 38

What Wolfowitz Really Said   -   by William Kristol

     The truth behind the Vanity Fair "scoop."


AS THIS MAGAZINE goes to press, a controversy swirls about the head of
Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz. He is alleged to have "revealed,"
in an interview with writer Sam Tanenhaus for the Manhattan
celebrity/fashion glossy Vanity Fair, that the Bush administration's
asserted casus belli for war against Saddam Hussein --the dictator's
weapons-of-mass-destruction program-- was little more than a propaganda
device, a piece of self-conscious and insincere political manipulation.

Lazy reporters have been following the lead of the press release Vanity Fair
publicists circulated about their "scoop." It begins as follows:

     Contradicting the Bush administration, Deputy Secretary of
     Defense Paul Wolfowitz tells Vanity Fair that weapons of mass
     destruction had never been the most compelling justification
     for invading Iraq.

As it happens, this is a not-quite-accurate description of a paragraph in
Tanenhaus's article, which itself bears reprinting for reasons that will
become obvious in a moment:

     When we spoke in May, as U.S. inspectors were failing to find
     weapons of mass destruction, Wolfowitz admitted that from the
     outset, contrary to so many claims from the White House, Iraq's
     supposed cache of WMD had never been the most important
     casus belli. It was simply one of several reasons: "For
     bureaucratic reasons we settled on one issue, weapons of
     mass destruction, because it was the one reason everyone
     could agree on." Everyone meaning, presumably, Powell and
     the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "Almost unnoticed but huge," he said,
     is another reason: removing Saddam will allow the U.S. to take
     its troops out of Saudi Arabia, where their presence has
     been one of al-Qaeda's biggest grievances.

Let's be clear: Though Paul Wolfowitz has friends and admirers at The Weekly
Standard, we would be surprised and more than a little distressed had he
actually said what he's supposed to have said in this instance.

For the last 12 years, all specific and sometimes heated policy
disagreements notwithstanding, American presidents of both parties, joining
a near-unanimous consensus of the so-called "world community," have agreed
that the Baath party regime's persistent and never-fully-disclosed WMD
program represented a grave threat to international security. Al Gore, for
example, in his much-hyped antiwar speech last September, acknowledged that
"Iraq's search for weapons of mass destruction has proven impossible to
completely deter and we should assume that it will continue for as long as
Saddam is in power. We know he has stored secret supplies of biological and
chemical weapons throughout his country." The notion that the Bush
administration's prewar reiteration of this view was a cynical ploy is
crackpot.

For that matter, the notion that the Bush administration really, really, in
its heart of hearts, had other, preferred reasons for taking out Saddam
Hussein --particularly, that it did so to justify removing its troops from
Saudi Arabia-- and that the entire war was therefore a fraud . . . well,
this idea, too, is crackpot.

What gives with this Vanity Fair interview, then?

What gives is that Tanenhaus has mischaracterized Wolfowitz's remarks, that
Vanity Fair's publicists have mischaracterized Tanenhaus's
mischaracterization, and that Bush administration critics are now indulging
in an orgy of righteous indignation that is dishonest in triplicate.

Pentagon staffers were wise enough to tape-record the Tanenhaus-Wolfowitz
interview. Prior to publication of the Vanity Fair piece, they made that
transcript available to its author. And they have since posted the
transcript on the Defense Department's website (www.defenselink.mil).
Tanenhaus's assertion that Wolfowitz "admitted" that "Iraq's WMD had never
been the most important casus belli" turns out to be, not to put too fine a
point on it, false. Here's the relevant section of the conversation:

(set bold) TANENHAUS: (end bold) Was that one of the arguments that was
raised early on by you and others that Iraq actually does connect, not to
connect the dots too much, but the relationship between Saudi Arabia, our
troops being there, and bin Laden's rage about that, which he's built on so
many years, also connects the World Trade Center attacks, that there's a
logic of motive or something like that? Or does that read too much into--

(set bold) WOLFOWITZ: (end bold) No, I think it happens to be correct. The
truth is that for reasons that have a lot to do with the U.S. government
bureaucracy we settled on the one issue that everyone could agree on which
was weapons of mass destruction as the core reason, but . . . there have
always been three fundamental concerns. One is weapons of mass destruction,
the second is support for terrorism, the third is the criminal treatment of
the Iraqi people. Actually I guess you could say there's a fourth overriding
one which is the connection between the first two. . . . The third one by
itself, as I think I said earlier, is a reason to help the Iraqis but it's
not a reason to put American kids' lives at risk, certainly not on the scale
we did it. That second issue about links to terrorism is the one about which
there's the most disagreement within the bureaucracy, even though I think
everyone agrees that we killed 100 or so of an al Qaeda group in northern
Iraq in this recent go-around, that we've arrested that al Qaeda guy in
Baghdad who was connected to this guy Zarqawi whom Powell spoke about in his
U.N. presentation.

In short, Wolfowitz made the perfectly sensible observation that more than
just WMD was of concern, but that among several serious reasons for war, WMD
was the issue about which there was widest domestic (and international)
agreement.

As for Tanenhaus's suggestion that Wolfowitz somehow fessed up that the war
had a hidden, "unnoticed but huge" agenda --rationalizing a pre-planned
troop withdrawal from Saudi Arabia-- we refer you, again, to the actual
interview. In an earlier section of the conversation, concerning the
current, postwar situation in the Middle East, Wolfowitz explained that the
United States needs to get post-Saddam Iraq "right," and that we also need
"to get some progress on the Israeli-Palestinian issue," which now looks
more promising. Then Wolfowitz said this:

     There are a lot of things that are different now, and one that
     has gone by almost unnoticed --but it's huge-- is that by
     complete mutual agreement between the U.S. and the Saudi
     government we can now remove almost all of our forces from
     Saudi Arabia. Their presence there over the last 12 years has
     been a source of enormous difficulty for a friendly
     government. . . . I think just lifting that burden from the Saudis
     is itself going to open the door to other positive things.

Tanenhaus has taken a straightforward and conventional observation about
strategic arrangements in a post-Saddam Middle East and juiced it up into a
vaguely sinister "admission" about America's motives for going to war in the
first place.

The failure so far to discover "stocks" of WMD material in post-Saddam Iraq
raises legitimate questions about the quality of U.S. and allied
intelligence -- though no one doubts that Saddam's regime had weapons of
mass destruction, used weapons of mass destruction, and had an ongoing
program to develop more such weapons. Furthermore, people of good will are
entitled to disagree, even in retrospect, about the wisdom and probable
effects of Saddam's forcible removal. But distorting an on-the-record
interview with a Bush administration official in order to create a
quasi-conspiratorial narrative of deceit and deception at the highest levels
of the U.S. government is a disgrace.

--William Kristol

© Copyright 2003, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.
http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/002/757wzfan.a
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