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FC: Charles Wyzanski: "A Trial Judge's Freedom and Responsibility"
From: Declan McCullagh <declan () well com>
Date: Wed, 31 May 2000 11:10:46 -0400
Some thirty years ago, Judge Charles Wyzanski became the first U.S. judge to break a single company into pieces. That case was _U.S. v. United Shoe Corp_. During a hearing last week in the Microsoft case, both sides cited _United Shoe_ to buttress their arguments:
http://www.wired.com/news/politics/0,1283,36581,00.htmlAttached is a lecture that Wyzanski gave in 1952. Keep in mind that Wyzanki, previously a Justice Department attorney and secretary to Judge Learned Hand, did *not* break up United Shoe until the Supreme Court essentially overruled him and told him he must:
http://laws.findlaw.com/us/391/244.htmlMicrosoft's final court documents are due today. Judge Thomas Penfield Jackson could rule anytime thereafter, and probably sooner than later.
-Declan
Judge Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr.
1952 Cardozo Lecture
The Association of the Bar of the City of New York.
The ethical test of a judge is not whether his judgments run parallel
to the judgments of a moralist, but whether the judge administers his
office true to its traditional limitations as well as to its
aspirations. From the day he takes his seat he is aware that while he
has more personal discretion than the books reveal, he is hemmed in by
impersonal usages, canons, and legitimate expectations. While he has
choice, he cannot exercise it even to his own satisfaction unless it
is disciplined according to standards. The minima are supplied by
reversals administered by appellate courts. Those, however, are
necessarily negative in nature. What counts more is the establishment
of affirmative norms of judicial behavior. One man knows the practices
of his own and perhaps a few other courts; so, to evolve standards, he
must become critical of his own shortcomings, attentive to the
reactions of the bar, informed of the unrecorded practices of his
colleagues, and, above all, reflective about subtle differences in the
tasks assigned to him.
The trial judge's first problem is his relationship to the jury. Much
of the debate about the jury system rests on political premises as old
as the eighteenth century. Montesquieu, Blackstone, and their
followers contended that lay tribunals with a plurality of members
were the safeguard of liberty. Bentham and more modern reformers
replied that when the rule of law itself is sound, its integrity
requires that its application be entrusted to magistrates acting
alone. In their view, responsibility is the secret of integrity, and a
reasoned choice is the secret of responsibility.
Experience will not give a sovereign answer to these warring
contentions. Yet the disagreement can be narrowed if the question of
the jury's utility is subdivided with specific emphasis on separate
types of suits.
The importance of this subdivision is concealed by Chief Justice
Hughes's striking phrase that a federal judge is the "governor of the
trial." Some regard this as an implied acceptant of the practice of
English courts. They construe it as a broad invitation to exercise in
all types of cases a right to comment upon the evidence, provided of
course that the judge reminds the jury in his charge that they are not
bound to follow the court's view of the facts or the credibility of
the witnesses.
Such boldness is not the surest way to end disputes in defamation
cases. In 1944 a discharged OPA official brought a libel suit against
the radio commentator, Fulton Lewis, Jr. At one stage in the
examination I suggested that Mr. Lewis's counsel was throwing pepper
in the eyes of the jury; and at the final summation I indicated
plainly that, although the jury was free to reject my opinion, I
thought Mr. Lewis had been reckless in his calumnious charges against
the ex-OPA official. It makes no difference whether what I said was
true; I should not have said it, as the reaction of the bar and public
reminded me. A political libel suit is the modern equivalent of ordeal
by battle. It is the means which society has chosen to induce bitter
partisans to wager money instead of exchanging bloody noses. And in
such a contest the prudent and the second-thinking judge will stand
severely aside, and will act merely as a referee applying the Marquis
of Queensberry rules.
Later a libel suit was brought by James Michael Curley against the
publisher of the Saturday Evening Post for having said that Mr. Curley
was a Catholic of whom His Eminence Cardinal O'Connell would have no
part. Who knew better than the Cardinal whether that charge was true ?
Mr. Curley, the plaintiff, did not call the Cardinal to the stand. The
defendant's distinguished counsel did not desire to find out what
would be the effect upon a Greater Boston jury if a Protestant lawyer
should call a Catholic prelate to the witness stand. Should the court
have intervened and summoned the Cardinal on its own initiative? The
Fulton Lewis case gave the answer. In a political libel suit the judge
is not the commander but merely the umpire.
Those cases which involve sordid family disputes also are better left
to the jury without too explicit instructions. Plato implied and
Holmes explicitly stated that judges are apt to be naive men. If
judges seem to comment on the morality of conduct or the extent of
damages, they may discover that the jurors regard their own knowledge
as superior to the judges'. At any rate when brother sues brother or
when spouse sues paramour, the very anonymity of the jury's judgment
often does more than the most clearly reasoned opinion or charge of an
identified judge could have done to still the controversy.
What of the trial judge's role in accident cases? How far should he go
in requiring available evidence to be produced, in commenting on the
testimony, and in using special verdicts and like devices to seek to
keep the jury within the precise bounds laid down by the appellate
courts?
There are some who say that the trial judge has not fulfilled his
moral obligation if he merely states clearly the law regarding
negligence, causation, contributory fault, and types of recoverable
damage. In their opinion it is his duty to analyze the evidence and
demonstrate where the evidence seems strong or thin and where it
appears reliable or untrustworthy.
Most federal judges do not make such analyses. They are not deterred
through laziness, a sentimental regard for the afflatus of the Seventh
Amendment, or even a fear of reversal. They are mindful that the
community no longer accepts as completely valid legal principles
basing liability upon fault. They perceive a general recognition of
the inevitability of numerous accidents in modern life, which has made
insurance widely available and widely used. Workmen's compensation
acts and other social and economic legislation have revealed a trend
that did not exist when the common-law doctrines of tort were
formulated. And the judges sense a new climate of public opinion which
rates security as one of the chief goals of men.
Trial judges cannot, without violating their oaths, bow directly to
this altered policy. In instructions of law they must repeat the
doctrines which judges of superior courts formulated and which only
they or the legislatures can change. But trial judges are not giving
"rein to the passional element of our nature" or forswearing
themselves by following Lord Coke's maxim that "the jurors are
chancellors." Traditionally juries are the device by which the rigor
of the law is modified pending the enactment of new statutes.
Some will say that this abdication is not merely cowardly but ignores
the "French saying about small reforms being the worst enemies of
great reforms." To them the proper course would be to apply the
ancient rules with full rigidity. They anticipate that adverse
reactions would then lead to a complete resurvey of accident law; to a
scrutiny of the costs, delays, and burdens of present litigation; to a
comparative study of what injured persons actually get in cash as a
result of lawsuits, settlements out of court, administrative
compensation proceedings, and other types of insurance plans; and
ultimately to a new codification. To this, one answer is that in
Anglo-American legal history reform has rarely come as a result of
prompt, comprehensive investigation and legislation. The usual course
has been by resort to fictions, to compromises with logic, to juries.
Only at the last stages are outright changes in the formal rules
announced by the legislators or the appellate judges. This is
consistent with Burke's principle that "reform is impracticable in the
sense of an abrupt reconstruction of society, and can only be
understood as the gradual modification of a complex structure."
2.
I am not at all certain that it would be a desirable reform in those
personal injury controversies, known as tort cases, to substitute
trial by judges for trial by juries. Just such a substitution has been
made in the Federal Tort Claims Act. And experience under that statute
does not prove that in this type of case a single professional is so
satisfactory a tribunal as a group of laymen of mixed backgrounds. In
estimating how a reasonable and prudent man would act, judges' court
experience counts for no more than juries' out-of-court experience. In
determining the credibility of the type of witness that appears in
accident cases an expert tribunal is somewhat too ready to see a
familiar pattern. Shrewdness founded on skepticism and sophistication
has its place in scrutinizing the stories of witnesses. But there is a
danger that the professional trier of fact will expect people of
varied callings and cultures to reach levels of observation and
narration which would not be expected by men of the witness's own
background. Moreover, when it comes to a calculation of damages under
the flexible rules of tort law the estimate of what loss the plaintiff
suffered can best be made by men who know different standards of
working and living in our society. Indeed, I have heard federal judges
confess that in a Federal Tort Claims case they try to make their
judgments correspond with what they believe a jury would do in a
private case. And many judges would prefer to have such cases tried by
juries.
In commercial eases and those arising under regulatory statutes there
is reason to hold a jury by a much tighter rein than in tort cases.
This is not because the rules of law are more consonant with
prevailing notions of justice. In these controversies judges have a
specialized knowledge. Parties have usually acted with specific
reference to their legal rights. Departures from the declared standard
would undermine the legislative declaration and would be less likely
to produce reform than confusion and further litigation.
An extreme example will serve as an illustration. In a tax case tried
before a jury at the suit of one holder of International Match Company
preference stock, the issue was whether for tax purposes those
certificates had become worthless in the year 1936. In another
taxpayer's case the Second Circuit Court of Appeals had Affirmed a
ruling of the Board of Tax Appeals that similar stock had become
valueless in the year 1932. Technically this adjudication did not bind
the jury, though the evidence before it was substantially the same as
that in the earlier case. To preserve uniformity on a factual tax
problem of general application I had no hesitation in strongly
intimating to the jury that they should reach the same result as the
Second Circuit.
In sales cases something close to a scientific appraisal of the facts
is possible; there are strong mercantile interests favoring certainty;
and future litigation can be reduced by strict adherence to carefully
prescribed statutory standards. These considerations sometimes warrant
giving juries written instructions or summaries and often justify the
use of special verdicts. Either method makes jurors focus precisely on
the formalities of the contract, the warranties claimed to have been
broken, the types of damage alleged to have been sustained, and the
allowable formulae for calculating those damages.
Indeed, except for tort cases, I find myself in agreement with Judge
Frank that the trial judge ought to use special verdicts to a much
larger extent, though it is more difficult than may at first be
realized to frame questions to the satisfaction of counsel and to the
comprehension of juries. Once when I used what I thought simple
questions, a fellow judge, half in jest, accused me of trying to
promote a disagreement of the jury and thus to force a settlement.
The arguments supporting special verdicts in commercial or statutory
cases also support a trial judge in giving in such cases a more
detailed charge and more specific guidance in estimating the
testimony. In complicated cases or those in fields where the
experience of the average juror is much less than that of the average
judge, there is a substantial risk of a miscarriage of justice unless
the judge points rather plainly to the "knots" in the evidence and
suggests how they can be unraveled. The only time I have ever entered
judgment notwithstanding a verdict was in a private antitrust suit.
The jury had awarded damages of over one million dollars as a result,
I believe, of the generality of my instructions.
So far I have said nothing of federal criminal cases. About 90 per
cent of all defendants in the federal court plead guilty. In those
federal cases which come to trial the crime charged frequently
concerns economic facts; and generally, though not invariably, the
preliminary investigation by the FBI and other agencies of detection
has reduced to a small compass the area of doubt. Often the only
remaining substantive issue of significance is whether the defendant
acted "knowingly." Indeed the usual federal criminal trial is as apt
to turn on whether the prosecution has procured its evidence in
accordance with law and is presenting it fairly, as on whether the
defendant is guilty as charged. All these factors combine to
concentrate the judge's attention upon the avoidance of prejudicial
inquiries, confusion of proof, and inflammatory arguments. Counsel can
aid the judge to maintain the proper atmosphere by stipulation, by
refraining from putting doubtful questions until the judge has ruled
at the bench, and by other cooperative efforts. But if cooperation is
not forthcoming the judge should hesitate to fill the gap by becoming
himself a participant in the interrogation and should not indicate his
view of the evidence. For the criminal trial is as much a ceremony as
an investigation. Dignity and forbearance are almost the chief
desiderata.
3.
I turn now to the freedom of the trial judge when he sits without a
jury. In nonjury as in jury cases, a substantial part of the bar
prefers to have the judge sit patiently while the evidence comes in
and then at the end of the trial summarize the testimony. This seems
the sounder practice in the great bulk of trials. But in cases of
public significance, Edmund Burke admonished us: "It is the duty of
the Judge to receive every offer of evidence, apparently material,
suggested to him, though the parties themselves through negligence,
ignorance, or corrupt collusion, should not bring it forward. A Judge
is not placed in that high situation merely as a passive instrument of
parties. He has a duty of his own, independent of them, and that duty
is to investigate the truth...."
Let me give some examples of when I believe the judge has a duty to
elicit facts in addition to those that are offered by the parties. The
plaintiff, an owner of a multiple dwelling, brought suit for a
declaratory judgment seeking to have the premises declared a "hotel"
and thus exempt from the rent regulations of the OPA. Only one of the
numerous tenants was named as defendant. In the trial the plaintiff
offered evidence that showed the building was a hotel and not an
apartment. Because of lack of funds or of forensic skill, the tenant's
counsel failed to shake the stories of the plaintiff's witnesses or to
offer adequate testimony to the contrary. Yet if the trial judge had
called specialists and others familiar with the community and the
property, the evidence would have demonstrated that in truth the
building was a mere apartment house. I took no step myself to call
witnesses or to interrogate those who did testify but, relying
exclusively on what the parties offered, entered a judgment declaring
the premises a "hotel" and thus exempt. Since this declaration of
status became in effect a general rule binding on scores of persons
not represented in the proceedings, would it not have been sounder if
the court had taken a larger initiative in seeing that the record
corresponded with reality?
A later controversy of even greater public importance posed a similar
problem. In a case still undecided, the United States sued the United
Shoe Machinery Corporation for violation of the antitrust laws. Among
the issues that were presented was the effect of the corporation's
acts upon its customers and its competitors. The Government in its
case relied exclusively on the corporation's documents and officers.
The corporation planned to call some customers, though the method by
which they were drawn was not disclosed to the court. This seemed an
inadequate survey. So the court asked the parties to take depositions
from forty-five customers, selected from a standard directory by
taking the first fifteen names under the first, eleventh, and
twenty-first letters of the alphabet; and the court itself called to
the stand the officers of the principal competitor. In the summons the
court listed topics appropriate for questioning the officers. The
actual examination was conducted in turn by the competitor's counsel,
the Government's counsel, and the defendant's counsel. Both these
types of testimony give a much clearer understanding of the total
picture of the industries that will be affected by any decision.
Another problem in the United Shoe case has been to determine what
have been the usual methods followed by the defendant in setting
prices, in supplying services, and in suing competitors. An adequately
grounded conclusion can hardly be based entirely on the plaintiff's
selection of a few dramatic incidents and on the defendant's testimony
of the general attitude of its officers. The critical point in
determining liability and the form of relief may turn on what has been
the typical pattern of the defendant's conduct and the typical effect
of that conduct on outsiders. Here the judge can perform a useful
function if he, through pre-trial conferences or at a later stage of
the litigation when he is more aware of its dimensions, provides for
appropriate samplings of the conduct and the effects. If the judge is
fortunate, the parties may agree on the sampling. But where they do
not, it seems to me to be the judge's responsibility first to elicit
from witnesses on the stand the criteria necessary to determine what
are fair samples and then to direct the parties to prepare such
samples for examination and cross-examination. Sampling will make the
record not merely more informative but shorter.
4.
The question as to what has been the custom of the market and what
would be the consequence of a judicial decree altering those practices
arises not only in antitrust cases but also when the judge is faced
with the problem of determining either the appropriate standard of
fair competition in trademarks or the appropriate standard for
fiduciaries. Usually, to be sure, diligent counsel offer in evidence
enough relevant material. But where this has not been done, there have
been times when a judge has tended to reach his result partly on the
basis of general information and partly on the basis of his studies in
a library.
This tendency of a court to inform itself has increased in recent
years following the lead of the Supreme Court of the United States.
Not merely in constitutional controversies and in statutory
interpretation but also in formulation of judge-made rules of law, the
justices have resorted, in footnotes and elsewhere, to references
drawn from legislative hearings, studies by executive departments, and
scholarly monographs. Such resort is sometimes defended as an
extension of Mr. Brandeis's technique in Muller v. Oregon. In Muller's
case, however, Mr. Brandeis's object was to demonstrate that there was
a body of informed public opinion which supported the reasonableness
of the legislative rule of law. But in the cases of which I am
speaking these extra judicial studies are drawn upon to determine what
would be a reasonable judicial rule of law. Thus the focus of the
inquiry becomes not what judgment is permissible, but what judgment is
sound. And here it seems to me that the judge, before deriving
conclusions from any such extrajudicial document or information should
lay it before the parties for their criticism.
How this criticism should be offered is itself a problem not free from
difficulty. In some situations the better course may be to submit the
material for examination, cross-examination, and rebuttal evidence. In
others, where expert criticism has primarily an argumentative
character, it can be received better from the counsel table and from
briefs than from the witness box. The important point is that, before
a judge acts upon a consideration of any kind, he ought to give the
parties a chance to meet it. This opportunity is owed as a matter of
fairness and also to prevent egregious error. As Professor Lon Fuller
observed, the "moral force of a judgment is at maximum if a judge
decides solely on the basis of arguments presented to him. Because if
he goes beyond these he will lack guidance and may not understand
interests that are affected by a decision outside the frame work."
The duty of the judge to act only on the basis of material debated in
pubic in no sense implies that the judge's findings should be in the
precise terms offered by counsel. Nor does Rule 52(a) of the Federal
Rules of Civil Procedure require the judge always to recite all
relevant evidence and to rely for persuasive effect exclusively upon
mass and orderly arrangement. Yet in corporate cases or other
litigation where the issues turn on documentary analysis and precise
analysis of business details, and where appeal is almost certain to be
taken, the trial judge may perform the greatest service by acting
almost as a master summarizing evidence for a higher tribunal.
On the other hand, if a judge sitting alone hears a simple tort or
contract case falling within a familiar framework and analogous to
jury litigation, it is perhaps the best practice for him to state his
findings of fact from the bench in those pungent colloquial terms with
which the traditional English judge addresses the average man of
common sense. When credibility of witnesses is the essence of the
controversy, the parties and the lawyers like to have judges act as
promptly as juries and on the basis of fresh impressions.
Where the search for truth is more subtle, the trial court faces the
same stylistic challenge as the appellate court. Fortunate are those
who, like Judge Learned Hand, have the gift of many tongues. His
admiralty opinions breathe salt air, his commercial cases echo the
accents of the market place, and his patent rulings reflect an
industrial society developed by Yankee ingenuity. Even those whose
narrower experience makes them stutter, occasionally strike a subject
where they have both the sensitivity and the self-confidence to put
the story simply and selectively. But in most cases we average judges
can only try, without much hope, to make our summations of facts
pithy, sympathetic, and illuminating.
5.
While, in summarizing the facts, we trial judges may seek to imitate
our superiors on the higher courts, when we wrestle with the
substantive law we should not regard ourselves as the appellate judges
writ small. Our freedom is inevitably more narrowly exercised. Most of
the time we do not see the points of difficulty too clearly. With us
the pace is quicker, the troublesome issues have not been sorted from
those which go by rote, the briefs of counsel have not reached their
ultimate perfection. Yet even when we have the clearest perception of
the legal issues, certain inhibitions are peculiarly appropriate to
restrain a judge who sits alone and subject to review by judges higher
in commission.
If the trial judge is presented with the claim that a legislative act
is unconstitutional, he ought to remind himself that every possible
presumption is in favor of the validity of the legislation and that in
certain constitutional controversies a district judge has no
jurisdiction to act unless he is sitting with two other judges. Though
in a constitutional case or any other case he must not surrender his
deliberate judgment and automatically accept the views of others, he
can ordinarily best fulfill his duty in a constitutional case by
explicitly stating for the benefit of an appellate court any doubts he
has, without going so far as to enter a decree against a statute which
has commanded the assent of a majority of the legislature and,
generally, of the executive.
If there is no constitutional question and the trial judge is
presented with a judicial precedent or precedents contrary to his own
view of what would be the sound rule of law, the problem is more
subtle. First, take the situation where the hostile precedents are in
the tribunals that sit on review of his own decisions. If the
precedents have been so severely impaired by recent cases that it is
reasonably clear they no longer represent the present doctrine of the
appellate court, the trial judge is generally thought to be free to
minimize their directive force, though there is strong opinion to the
contrary. Where the precedent has not been impaired, the balance is in
favor of the trial judge following it in his decree and respectfully
stating in his accompanying opinion such reservations as he has. The
entry of the decree preserves the "priority and place" which
Shakespeare reminded us were indispensable to justice. Moreover, the
reservation in the opinion promotes the growth of the law in the court
where it most counts, for if the criticism of the precedent be just,
the appellate court will set matters straight, and any trial judge
worthy of his salt will feel complimented in being reversed on a
ground he himself suggested. No trial judge of any sense supposes his
quality is measured by a naked tabulation of affirmances and
reversals.
Where the hostile precedents come from a judge of equal rank or a
court not in the direct line of superior authority, I doubt whether
there should be absolute rules of deference. If the precedent is from
a sitting judge in one's own court and represents his mature
reflection, the argument in favor of following it rests not only on
the appropriate amenities, but also on profounder considerations of
equality in the treatment of litigants. But the situation is different
where the precedent comes from an inferior court sitting in another
geographical area. In the federal system conflict of judgments between
the inferior courts is one of the ways that the Supreme Court is led
to grant review of legal questions. And the most effective method of
getting a significant issue over the Washington threshold is to
challenge overtly a court in another circuit.
We federal judges are told that in diversity jurisdiction cases our
duty is to follow the state law. Most of the time that is readily
discoverable. But what are we to do when no state law has been
declared, or the state law has not been the subject of reconsideration
for a generation or more? Take unfair competition cases, at least
before the Lanham Act. Until the end of the rule of Swift v. Tyson the
state law lay relatively dormant. Most of the important controversies
in this field had always been adjudicated in the federal courts
according to a general jurisprudence. What happens when these federal
cases are not binding authorities? Shall we seek to evolve the state
rules exclusively from state precedents, some of which are quite old,
and ignore the federal precedents?
Shall we be equally conservative in corporation cases? A short time
ago a policyholder brought a derivative suit in the United States
District Court for the District of Massachusetts against an insurance
company without first seeking to enlist the aid of his fellow
policyholders. The reported Massachusetts cases involved stockholders'
suits. None of them was precisely in point. Some of the rulings were
not addressed to considerations recently stressed by other courts and
by legislatures and administrative agencies. Should the federal court
follow closely what the state has already said, or should it keep one
eye on the national trend? Or look at the case of a stockholder
seeking to procure an equity receivership for the purpose of
liquidating a corporation. The only Massachusetts decisions are old
and negative. The modern trend is favorable. Shall the federal court
assume that the Massachusetts state court will follow its predecessors
or its contemporaries?
The impression that I gather from the cases is that a federal judge
sitting in a diversity jurisdiction case is less willing to depart
from obsolete doctrines than when he sits in a purely federal case.
Every time judges are called upon to apply the law of a foreign
jurisdiction, are they not inclined to give undue weight to the
recorded landmarks and to underestimate the mobile qualities and the
thrusts of principle we discern in our domestic law?
And now, before I conclude, may I address myself to a doubt which
should perhaps have been tackled at the outset. Are the usages
followed by trial judges more than patterns of behavior; are they law
in any sense; and even if they are law, are they too disparate and
detailed ever to have an honored place in the study of jurisprudence?
Concede that the normative practices which we have been reviewing fall
far short of the Austinian command of the sovereign. For a judge who
chooses to depart from these particular standards does not lay himself
open to reversal by courts of superior authority. And yet that which
is generally approved as being good and being within the reach of
average men does in time become law in the strictest sense. This, we
all know, is how the law of fiduciaries and the law merchant have
grown. And the principle applies in equal measure to the law governing
trial judges. What is the whole law of procedure but the
crystallization of judicial custom? The trial judges made the law of
evidence by their usages; and perhaps now they are unmaking it by
their usages. The revocation is hidden by appellate courts which treat
departures from the proclaimed evidentiary rules not as though they
represented new doctrine, but as though they were insignificant
nonreversible errors.
What are the rules governing measure of proof? Today we say there
exist in the federal courts only two standards: the criminal standard
of proof beyond a reasonable doubt and the civil standard of the
preponderance of the evidence. And yet already in some special classes
of cases where fraud is the central issue, we seem to see the
emergence of an intermediate rule, the requirement that the evidence
shall be clear and convincing. This intermediate requirement reflects
the unspoken practice of trial courts to move with extreme caution in
fastening a finding of immoral conduct upon a party litigant.
What shall we say of remedies which trial judges have newly evolved in
equitable suits founded on statutes? Novel remedies begin as
permissible exercises of discretion by the court of first instance.
They win approval and imitation by other similarly circumstanced
courts. And in the end what was discretionary has become mandatory.
Here is the common law at work--a progressive contribution by the
judges, trial as well as appellate; less important perhaps today than
formerly, and always less important than the additions made by
legislative bodies; but more clearly ethical in its nature because the
consent on which it rests has undergone a longer, more intimate, more
pragmatic test.
Let us not suppose that because our jurisdiction is limited, because
so much of our work goes unreported, because we are immersed in the
detail of fact, we trial judges are clothed with small responsibility
in relating law to justice. It is we who make the law become a living
teacher as we transmit it from the legislature and the appellate court
to the citizen who stands before us. It is we who watch the impact of
the formal rule, explain its purpose to laymen, and seek to make its
application conform to the durable and reasonable expectations of our
communities. It is we who determine whether the processes of
common-law growth shall decay or flower with a new vigor.
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- FC: Charles Wyzanski: "A Trial Judge's Freedom and Responsibility" Declan McCullagh (May 31)
