Interesting People mailing list archives

IP: Chapman, LATimes: Technology issues and the election....


From: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
Date: Wed, 01 Nov 2000 19:03:02 -0500




Date: Wed, 1 Nov 2000 12:46:04 -0600
To: chapman () lists cc utexas edu
From: Gary Chapman <gary.chapman () mail utexas edu>
Subject: L.A. Times Column, 10/30/00 -- Tech and Elections
Reply-To: gary.chapman () mail utexas edu
Sender: owner-chapman () lists cc utexas edu

Friends,

Below is my Los Angeles Times column for this week, which ran on
Monday, October 30, 2000. As always, please feel free to pass this
on, but please retain the copyright notice.

This is a couple of days late because I was in the D.C. area for the
annual convention called "Networks for People," put on by the
Technology Opportunities Program of the Department of Commerce. On
Monday several of us did a panel discussion on the worker shortage
issue.

Highlights of the conference: Mario Marino's great keynote speech,
which I hope everyone in the tech industry will be able to hear soon;
and word of a very interesting project called "Harlem Live," which is
an online newspaper put out by Harlem teenagers, assisted by
volunteer journalism professionals. Check it out at
http://www.harlemlive.org.

Other significant news from the TOP program: in the current spending
bill approved by Congress last week, their funding tripled for next
fiscal year, to $45 million. One of those bizarre artifacts of our
increasingly bizarre politics -- the program is finally in the range
of where it was supposed to be five years ago, after years of
partisan slashing. That's good news for U.S. nonprofits and "digital
divide" activists, if the spending figures hold.

(Apologies to friends in the D.C. area for not having time to make
connections. It was one of those blink-of-an-eye, in-and-out trips.
I'll try to do better next time.)

Oh, one followup note to a previous column, if anyone is interested:
my "open letter" to Mexico's President-elect Vincente Fox, the
"Digital Nation" column of October 2nd, was in fact read by Mr. Fox.
I heard from his staff that he read the article on a plane flight
from Chile to Mexico and he sent words of approval and thanks. There
are signs that his staff may be following up on some of the
recommendations in the column. Cool!

-- Gary

gary.chapman () mail utexas edu

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   ------------------------------------------

DIGITAL NATION

Monday, October 30, 2000

Technology Issues Largely Missing From Campaigns' Radar Screens

By Gary Chapman

Copyright 2000, The Los Angeles Times, All Rights Reserved

Why haven't technology and the issues of the "new economy" made more
of an impact on this year's election campaigns? That's the question
that Times columnist Ronald Brownstein asked last week, and others
have wondered about it too.

Many commentators have noted that Al Gore has long been known for his
affinity with technology-related public policy; he essentially ran as
a high-tech candidate in 1992 and 1996.

However, this year "Gore himself almost never talks about the new
economy anymore," said Brownstein, "and instead looks mostly
downscale for support."

George W. Bush has assembled a heavyweight team of technology
advisors and supporters, including Michael Dell, venture capitalist
Floyd Kvamme, former Netscape chief James Barksdale, and Intel's
Chairman Andy Grove, among others. Gore has his list too, the
"Gore-Techs" like Steve Jobs, venture capitalist John Doerr, and
Netscape co-founder Marc Andreeson.

But neither of these groups has had any impact on the campaigns. The
candidates' standings in the polls would almost certainly be exactly
the same as they are today if these new-economy leaders had stayed
clear and remained silent about their political preferences.

Why is this? After all, in 1992 the endorsement of 150 Silicon Valley
executives arguably put Bill Clinton and Gore over the top, signaling
their acceptability to the business leaders of that time. Now the
moguls of the new economy can hardly get a headline.

There are several reasons for this change in the political environment.

First, most Americans are flat bored by all the jabber about high
tech. The tornado of talk about the new economy is an obsession with
an extremely thin layer of affluent and technically proficient
people, and with opinion-makers and pundits. But if you get away from
the dozen or so high-tech centers in the U.S., this obsession rapidly
fades.

Second, most leaders of the new economy, and the journalists who
cover it, are not routinely exposed to the bland and prosaic
conversations of average Americans who see one another at church, or
at occupational conventions and social gatherings, and where the
topics are more likely to be sports and recipes than "synergy" and
"B-to-B" (business-to-business) e-commerce. In fact, the
ever-changing jargon of high-tech business is pure gobbledygook to
most Americans, a fact that new economy enthusiasts have a hard time
grasping.

Next, the two candidates' positions on technology-related issues are
close enough that you have to look hard for differences, precisely
because both men are so beholden to the same narrow constituency.
Neither candidate will risk losing access to the financial resources
of new economy leaders. And those high-tech leaders have developed a
uniform, self-serving and colorless agenda, built entirely on their
belief that what's good for high tech is good for the country, and
Bush and Gore can't step outside the lines by recommending something
different or even interesting.

When all that is combined with the two candidates' very different
positions on other issues -- such as abortion, guns, taxes, Social
Security and spending -- it's not surprising that there isn't much
public demand for a discussion about high tech and government.

However, there is one big difference between the vice president and
Texas Gov. Bush when the subject is technology: how they feel about
it, and how they relate to technology.

Gore is an overt techie, a guy fascinated with technology itself. In
the current issue of Red Herring magazine is an interview with Gore
that's astonishing for its detail and for his familiarity with arcane
computer science concepts. He draws analogies, for example, between
the development of modern government and the chronological transition
from "vector processing" to "parallel processing" in computer
architectures.

If Gore spoke like this to general audiences on the campaign stump,
most of his listeners would have gone into a collective coma. (The
interview lends credence to the opinion, reportedly held by President
Clinton, that Gore would have been happier as an academic than a
politician, a job he doesn't really seem to enjoy.)

Gore has the role of the public technology visionary, the man who
would send us into space, cure diseases, end hunger, clean up the
environment and energetically celebrate scientists and engineers. His
attraction to technology is romantic -- it's his key to a much more
interesting future. He's the straight-A student who knows his science
and thinks it's all great.

Bush, however, doesn't really care about technology except to the
extent that it makes people rich and the nation powerful. He finds no
inherently fascinating features within computers or the Internet, the
way Gore obviously does. Bush is probably much more representative of
American men than Gore in this respect -- the Internet only became
interesting to most men when people started making money from it.

Bush is in the Ronald Reagan mold. He spends his spare time at his
ranch near Waco, Texas, and he calls himself a "windshield rancher,"
someone who doesn't do the work but gets to drive around his
property. This might be the male ideal of the "patron," the
landowner, which is tied to the manly arts of sports, hunting,
fishing and owning large animals. Fascination with technology is not
viewed as feminine, but merely . . . well, "geeky."

For Bush, technology is important as a driving force in the economy
and as a way to keep the U.S. No. 1 in military power. But it's not
interesting in itself.

Granted, most Americans have already grasped the differences between
the two candidates, a message encoded in their personalities.

It's a message Americans understand, even without details about
policy disputes, because it's in a language that's familiar to all of
us.

Gary Chapman is director of The 21st Century Project at the
University of Texas at Austin. He can be reached at
gary.chapman () mail utexas edu.

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